Tuesday, November 26, 2019

10 Facts on Martin Luther King for a Speech

10 Facts on Martin Luther King for a Speech If you are writing a speech about Martin Luther King, Jr., you will need some facts to include into your text. Below are ten great items which will help you in your writing: Martin Luther King, Sr., devoted his life to correcting injustices. This way of living was something passed down to his son who preached not just about Civil Rights, but about equality. His confrontations against segregation began in January 1935, when he organized a protest against the segregated courthouse elevators in his home town. Eight months after that he tried to get African Americans registered to vote. In 1939, Martin Luther King, Sr. had his famous march to the city hall in Atlanta. This march was accompanied by several hundred other supports, all of whom were attempting to demonstrate to current leadership the political strength within African Americans. Martin Luther King, Jr. followed in the beliefs of his father that people across the entire nation could use their vote to bring real change to laws. Martin Luther King, Jr. held great admiration for the ministers in Atlanta and his father, all of whom spoke up for civil rights. It was this obsession, this reverence of language and the power of words which enticed Martin Luther King, Jr. He had attended school where he would eventually gain entrance to college and become ordained as a minister. He was able to stir the minds and hearts of those who listened to him. With a degree in sociology and a passion for religion, Martin Luther King, Jr. started to fight the justice and inequality with the same power and strength that his father had used before him. Martin Luther King, Jr. and Malcolm X appeared about this same time fighting for justice and racial equality. As a minister, he incorporated teachings of Ghandi and advocated nonviolent methods of protest. He led the March on Washington in 1963 which was a very large political rally where over 300,000 people marched and there were 200,000 police officers. The march was congregated around jobs and economic freedom. It was here that Martin Luther King, Jr. delivered his famous speech entitled, â€Å"I Have a Dream†. In 1954 Brown v. Board of Education had taken place and declared that state-sponsored segregation in schools was against the constitution. King had been embarrassed by his first march in Memphis which ended in violence. It was here that he pledged to return to rectify the situation he had left. His reasoning for returning was due to a mental change in race to economics. He needed to change his civil rights movement focus to include economics and this required a return to Memphis. Legislative headway was made by the federal government with initiatives that included the Voting Rights Act of 1965 and the Civil Rights Act of 1968. Leaders from within the African American community that became well known during the Civil Rights era for their efforts included Rosa Parks, Martin Luther King, Jr., Malcolm X and many others. The most effective leader to emerge from the boycott movement was Martin Luther King, Jr. who had not only understood the much larger significance of the boycott but also realized that blacks living in the south could make strides through the use of nonviolent tactics. This movement in Montgomery eventually led to the development of the Southern Christian Leadership Conference, a clergy-led organization with King serving as president, in 1957. Within three years a wave of sit-ins were taking place to spur the end of segregation at lunch counters in the south. Such protests spread rapidly throughout the South and eventually lead to the founding of the Student Non-Violent Coordinating Committee in 1960. His speech the day he was assassinated concerned the strike by Memphis Sanitation. Changing his focus to economics, King spoke about economic actions, boycotts, nonviolent protest, and unity. He cited the book of Exodus, the parable of the Good Samaritan, teachings of Jesus, and the prophet Amos. He referred to death threats near the end, saying that they didn’t matter because he was on a mountain top and didn’t mind. He stated he had no fear and had seen the Promised Land and that, as a people, they will get the Promised Land. He ended the speech with the first line of the Battle Hymn of the Republic. The assassinations of Martin Luther King and Malcolm X along with significant government repression as well as the infighting that occurred in the black militant community resulted in a decline of protest activity following the 1960s. Even so, a permanent effect was left on society in America as a result of the Civil Rights Movement. Overt forms of discrimination and segregation finally came to an end while anti-black violence in the South declined as well. In communities where blacks had once been forbidden to vote, black candidates were elected to political offices. American democracy had been transformed by the modern African-American civil rights movement, much in the same way as similar movements had previously altered the country. The method of non-violent protest was also widely used during the mid-20th century by civil rights activists. In this case, the philosophy of non-violence was typically rooted heavily in religion. In order to be successful, a non-violent protest required the support of most of the black population as well as active participation by that population. Therefore, a successful protest required the active support of church leaders. When activists in Montgomery wanted to organize a bus boycott, it was their ministers they turned to for support and leadership. It was their actions, under the leadership of Martin Luther King, that would set the tone for the future peaceful civil rights protests that would shape the decade and finally bring about change. In his reform efforts, King often talked about self-sacrifice and love. Such non-violent protests were inspired by King’s visit to India, which solidified his belief in the power of massive non-violent resistance. In the early to mid-1960s, the use of both bodies and lives became one of the most prevalent forms of protest. These facts should get you up the speed with all the needed information for your potential speech. You will find a lot of great additional intel for a speech in our 20 topics and 1 sample essay on Martin Luther King and also our in-depth guide on speech writing one on your own. References: Autobiography Of Martin Luther King Jr.. London: IPM in association with Little Brown and Co., 1999. Print. King, Martin Luther, and Alex Ayres.  The Wisdom Of Martin Luther King, Jr.. New York, N.Y., U.S.A.: Meridian, 1993. Print. King, Martin Luther, and Clayborne Carson.  The Autobiography Of Martin Luther King, Jr.. New York: Intellectual Properties Management in association with Warner Books, 1998. Print. King, Martin Luther, and Coretta Scott King.  The Words Of Martin Luther King, Jr.. New York: Newmarket Press, 1983. Print. King, Martin Luther, and James Melvin Washington.  A Testament Of Hope. San Francisco: Harper Row, 1986. Print. King, Martin Luther, Clayborne Carson, and Kris Shepard.  A Call To Conscience. New York: IPM (Intellectual Properties Management), in association with Warner Books, 2001. Print. King, Martin Luther, Clayborne Carson, and Ralph E Luker.  Called To Serve. Berkeley, Calif. [u.a.]: Univ. of California Press, 1992. Print. King, Martin Luther.  Stride Toward Freedom. Print.

Saturday, November 23, 2019

13 Most Common North American Pine Species

13 Most Common North American Pine Species Pine is a coniferous tree  in the genus Pinus, in the family Pinaceae. There are about 115 species of pines worldwide, although different authorities accept between 105 and 125 species. Pines are native to most of the Northern Hemisphere. Pines are evergreen and resinous trees (rarely shrubs). The smallest pine is Siberian Dwarf Pine and Potosi Pinyon, and the tallest pine is Sugar Pine. Pines are among the most plentiful and commercially important of tree species, valued for their timber and wood pulp throughout the world. In temperate and semi-tropical regions, pines are fast-growing softwoods that will grow in relatively dense stands, their acidic decaying needles inhibiting the sprouting of competing hardwoods. They are often grown in plantation managed forests for both lumber and paper. The Common North American Pines There are actually 36 major species of native pines in North America. They are the most ubiquitous  conifer in the United States, easily recognized by most people and very successful in maintaining solid and valuable stands. Pines are especially widespread and predominant in the Southeast and on drier sites in the Western mountains. Here are the most common and valuable pines that are native to the United States and Canada. Eastern white pine (Pinus strobus)Western white pine (Pinus monticola)Sugar pine (Pinus lambertiana)Red pine (Pinus resinosa)Pitch pine (Pinus rigida)Jack pine (Pinus banksiana)Longleaf pine (Pinus palustris)Shortleaf pine (Pinus  echinata)Loblolly pine (Pinus taeda)Slash pine (Pinus elliottii) Virginia pine (Pinus virginiana)Lodgepole pine (Pinus contorta)Ponderosa pine (Pinus ponderosa) Major Characteristics of the Pines Sigrid Intraligi / EyeEm  / Getty Images   Leaves: All of these common pines have needles in bundles of between 2 and 5 needles and wrapped (sheathed) together with paper-thin scales that attach to the twig. The needles in these bundles become the trees leaf that persists for two years before dropping as the tree continues to grow new needles every year. Even as the needles are dropping bi-annually, the pine maintains its evergreen appearance.   Deva Botyt / EyeEm  / Getty Images Cones: Pines have two types of cones - one to produce pollen and one to develop and drop seeds. The smaller pollen cones are attached to new shoots and produce a  massive amount of pollen every year. The larger woody cones are seed-bearing cones and mostly attached to limbs on short stalks or  stalkless sessile attachments. Pine cones usually mature in the second year, dropping a winged seed from between each cone scale. Depending on the species of pine, empty cones may drop off immediately after seed fall or hang on for several years or many years. Some pines have fire cones that only open after the heat from a wildland or prescribed fire releases the seed. Donald E. Hall  / Getty Images Bark and Limbs: A pine species with smooth bark generally grows in an environment where a fire is limited. Pine species that have adapted to a fire ecosystem will have scaly and furrowed bark. A conifer, when seen with tufted needles on stout limbs is confirmation that the tree is in the genus Pinus.

Thursday, November 21, 2019

In the current economic climate in Britain,the risks of starting up a Essay

In the current economic climate in Britain,the risks of starting up a new business outweight the benefits.DIscuss - Essay Example Another thing is about financing, the business may require continuous financing that may be unavailable. Finally, the management of a new business can either be a catalyst to failure or success. However, there a few benefits that have encouraged startups such as government policy and availability of raw materials. It is therefore apparent that the risks that a startup business faces in Britain are far much compared to the benefits. Firstly, the business is affected by factors within its control and reach. The management of an upcoming business can easily lead the company to failure due to many challenges that are experienced. They should have both long-term and short-term goals for the business and ensure they are implemented. A shaky management can contribute greatly to a business failure. The business owners have the capacity to find the best individuals to steer the business to success. Marketing strategy should be in place and should have a target market. A failure in this aspect will result to losses in the business hence closure. Financial management is also required when starting a new business; the available resources should be used maximally. Failure to do this will strain the business and if takes long before it breaks even, then there is a possibility of it closing down. Other aspects are outside the business control. These include regulations, market dynamics among other external factors. The demand for several products and services has continued to shift. Despite the increased and improved quality, new business, find it difficult to penetrate the market because the existing demand itself is below the supply. This is the reason why market survey is necessary before engaging in any business. Government regulations especially those developed in the process of establishment of a business can result to closure due to the requirements of conformity. Despite the risks that are associated with new

Tuesday, November 19, 2019

In engaging with subculture street culture, do girls simply mimic the Essay

In engaging with subculture street culture, do girls simply mimic the practices of their male counterparts or exhibit their own - Essay Example Current paper focuses on a particular cultural style: subculture street culture. Particular reference is made to the engagement of girls with subculture street culture and the points at which this engagement is differentiated from that of boys. The literature developed in regard to this issue has been reviewed; a relevant interview has been also employed so that all aspects of this study’s subject are fully explored. The key finding of the study seems to be the following: girls tend to mimic boys in engaging with subculture street culture but they may introduce elements of behaviour or dressing aiming to show their willingness for expressing own specificity. 2. Subculture and street culture 2.1 Characteristics and aspects of subculture and street culture In order to understand the modes of engagement used by girls in regard to subculture and street culture it would be necessary to explore primarily the context of culture and subculture. Then the criteria and the methods used b y girls to be engaged with subculture could be fully understood. According to Hebdige (1979) culture is a term that can be described as ‘tending’. ... rtance of culture as an indication of moral values (Hoggart and Williams in Hebdige 1979, p.5) while Barthes (1972) considered that culture should be considered more as related to everyday life (Barthes in Hebdige 1979, p.6). At this point, the following question should appear: which of the above approaches in regard to culture should be taken as the basis for evaluating the content and the popularity of subculture street culture among young people? If the first view, that of Hoggart and Williams is rejected this means that subculture in general is opposed to moral and ethics, an assumption that could not be accepted. On the other hand, the second view seems to be closer to the actual role of subculture street culture: to establish a community of ideas/ trends for its supporters, i.e. to become a style of life for those who believe that these trends reflect their personal beliefs and thoughts. In other words, subculture, as part of culture, could be regarded as being a style of life in the context of which specific behavioural and dressing codes apply and which is not necessarily opposed to morals. However, it is possible for a mode of subculture to challenge morals and ethics, an intention that it is usually expressed clearly by the creators of the relevant movement/ mode of subculture. When referring specifically to subculture, the following issue should be highlighted: in most cases, subculture is considered as opposed to social order (Hebdige 1979). For example, ‘teddy boys, punks and skinheads’ (Hebdige 1979, p.3) have been often treated as a threat for social order. Of course, it cannot be denied that these forms of subculture have been developed in order to express ‘the resistance to the existing political and social system’ (Hebdige 1979, p.3). Still,

Sunday, November 17, 2019

Deinstitutionalization of the Mentally Ill Essay Example for Free

Deinstitutionalization of the Mentally Ill Essay Deinstitutionalization refers to releasing a mentally or physically handicapped person from an institution whose main purpose was to provide treatment into a community with the intent of providing services through the community under the supervision of health-care professionals. There have been many positive outcomes from deinstitutionalization for both the patients and society but there have also been many drawbacks of deinstitutionalization. Deinstitutionalization is a process which affects the community as a whole and there are many procedures that must be followed in order to see this process follow through successfully (Watnik, 2001). The deinstitutionalization process began in the late 1950’s, early 1960’s. Facilities were financially liable for patients while they were committed, but were able to modify the burden to the federal government by discharging them. A lot of our society believes that the deinstitutionalization process was simply created because of the facilities’ inadequacy of treatment to their patients. Motivated by a concern for the civil rights of patients, deinstitutionalization focused on more rigorous standards for civil commitment and created practical safeguard processes, such as the right to treatment in the least preventive atmosphere (Watnik, 2001). New York dealt with deinstitutionalization in the wrong ways from the beginning. For instance, New York was the only state prior to 1994 that had limitations specifically prohibiting outpatient commitment. In 1994, the legislation passed the Bellevue Pilot Program which was established to helping the deinstitutionalization process. In 1999, New York Governor George Pataki, created Kendra’s Law which was a law that was influenced by the increase rise of mentally unstable individuals hurting and killing other people randomly. Kendra’s Law allows particular individuals (such as family members) to petition the court to obtain an order for a mentally ill person to receive outpatient treatment if that person meets detailed and definite criteria (Watnik, 2001). Kendras Law helps keep track of mentally ill people when they are discharged from any mental or correction facility so that these individuals can better be assisted in locating an outpatient program that suits their needs. In order for New York to combat the ongoing social issues such as homelessness, crime and the spread of communicable diseases, the state has established disbursement prospectuses that include programs and activities provided in community settings. Some of these programs include mental health centers, outpatient clinics, partial care organizations, self-assured community treatment and support programs, consumer-run programs and services provided by state hospitals off hospital grounds. Total community expenses and accomplishments are evaluated by observing residential and nonresidential services. Kendra’s law in addition to the community programs, also helps reach out to the mentally ill community by giving them ongoing support and assistance to helping control their illnesses and keep out of trouble (Watnik, 2001). After reading this article, I found that New York is missing a lot of key point in establishing a deinstitutionalization process. For starters, I believe that there should be stricter laws and regulations directed to mentally unstable individuals that are aimed at encouraging them to remain in outpatient treatment, even if they believe they do not need it. I also think that our society needs to establish more programs aimed at helping these individuals get on their feet financially, emotionally, and physically. Too many people think that they are â€Å"cured† and wind up hurting or killing innocent by passers and this would just be a safe precaution to helping keep our communities safe.

Thursday, November 14, 2019

Strong Women in my Life :: essays papers

Strong Women in my Life Demi Moore can pull off a shaved head with grace and beauty. I can’t do that. If I were to shave my head, I would slightly resemble a cantaloupe. I get that, and the rest of my physical characteristics, from my mother. Short and ample do not make for a graceful bald-headed woman. Martha Stewart can make a soufflà © from an egg, some tree bark, and a cup of sugar. I can’t do that either. My inability to just â€Å"wing† recipes comes directly from my grandmother. If it’s written down, I can do it, but from there it can get a little scary. Hillary Clinton is a hard-working, respectable woman with an Ivy League education. Now THAT I can handle. My dedication, determination and independence come from the array of women who have guided me through life thus far. Inspiring me to find a career that I thoroughly enjoy, no matter the costs, these women have lit my path. Every piece of me has seemed to come from an inspirational woman who has somehow graced my life. Whether for a second or for a decade, they have made imprints on my soul. To limit myself to describe the one person who has given me the most inspiration would be virtually unfeasible. I am a collage of influence and choice made by those with whom I have interacted. My strongest qualities, determination and independence, are deeply rooted in my family. Coming from an extremely tight-knit family all living within 30 minutes of each other, we bring new meaning to the clichà ©, â€Å"It takes a village.† My Aunt Betty is CEO of two corporations and taught me to sacrifice nothing for my dreams. My Grandmother, having borne seven children of her own and cared for twenty-one grandchildren while working with her husband in the family business, taught me that I do not have to sacrifice one for the other- prosperity comes in the balance. My strength comes from my mother. Having overcome obstacles and making immeasurable sacrifices, she lives her dreams through her three daughters. She never accepts anything from the best from me and I do my best not to disappoint her. She instilled in me the strength to have MY OWN dreams and to never be afraid of them. Individuality emanates from my Aunt Kathy, as she has always encouraged me to break the conve ntional molds of femininity and go after what I desire.

Tuesday, November 12, 2019

The Aircraft Collision Issues

On March 27, 1977 at 1706:52 G. M. T. A KLM 747 collided with a Pan Am 747 in dense fog on runway 30 at Los Rodeos Airport in the Spanish Canary Islands. KLM flight 4805 was a 747-206B with serial number PH-BUF. Pan Am flight 1736 was a 747-121 with serial number N736PA. Both aircraft were properly maintained and airworthy according to the regulations of the country of registration. All crew members of both aircraft were properly certified and current for their particular crew member positions on the Boeing 747. The KLM captain had 11,700 hrs. With 1,545 of those hours on the 747. The First officer had a total of 9,200 hours at the time of the accident with only 95 hours on the 747. The flight engineer had 17,031 hours with 543 hours on the 747. The Pan Am captain had 21,043 total with 584 hours on the 747. His co-pilot had 10,800 hours with 2,796 hours on the 747. The flight engineer had 15,210 hours total flight time with 559 hours on the 747. KLM 4805 was a charter flight from Amsterdam, Netherlands to Las Palmas, Canary Islands on behalf of Holland international Travel Group. Pan Am 1736 was also a charter flight to Las Palmas originating in Los Angeles, California the previous afternoon with a stop over and crew change at New York (JFK). The two aircraft involved in the accident were diverted to Los Rodeos because of a terrorist bomb explosion at Las Palmas Airport. There was a threat of another bomb so for security reasons no one could land there. Upon arrival at Los Rodeos several other diverted airliners were already on the ground waiting to go to Las Palmas. The Pan Am parked next to the KLM. The captain of the KLM was constantly on the radio trying to find out when the airport would reopen. He was concerned that he and his flight crew were going to run out of duty time. He decided to get fuel while he was waiting in order to avoid the servicing delay that would be awaiting them at Las Palmas. Las Palmas was reopened while the KLM was in the middle of refueling. The Pan Am was ready to depart but had to wait for the KLM to finish refueling because they couldn't taxi around them. Both aircraft were given instruction to use the active runway 30 as a taxiway because aircraft were parked on the paralleling taxiway. The KLM taxied to the end of the runway and made a 180 degree turn to align itself for takeoff. The Pan Am lagged behind because a blanket of fog surrounded them making it difficult to find their turn off. The Pan Am crew was unsure which taxiway they were to get on. The controller told the Pan Am to exit at the 3rd taxiway. This didn't make sense to them because they would have needed to make a 135 degree turn. The fourth taxiway was only 45 degrees. As the KLM 747 completed its turn and the pre-takeoff checklists were complete the captain started adding power for take off. The first officer noticed this and said, â€Å"Wait a minute, we don't have an ATC clearance. The captain held the brakes and said, â€Å"No†¦ I know that. Go ahead ask. † The KLM requested ATC clearance. The tower read them their departure clearance but did not clear them for takeoff. The KLM captain advanced the throttles again as the first officer read back the clearance. The KLM first officer told ATC they were, â€Å"at takeoff. † The Pan Am heard this and said that they will report when clear the runway. They understood â€Å"at takeoff† to mean at takeoff position. The KLM second officer questioned the captain, â€Å"Did he not clear the runway – that Pan American? The captain said, â€Å"Yes, he did. † Moments later the Pan Am first officer noticed the takeoff lights of the KLM approaching fast. He shouted, â€Å"Get off, Get off! † The captain put in full power and tried to drive the airplane into the grass. The pilots on the KLM noticed the Pan Am slewing across the runway after V1 was called. The captain knew that there wasn't enough room to stop so he over-rotated causing the tail of his aircraft to strike the runway in a shower of sparks. But lift the KLM did – just before reaching the Pan AM. The KLM smashed (with a nose up attitude) into the port side of the Pan Am 747. The KLM continued airborne down the runway another 450 meters past the point of collision where it crashed with full fuel and burned killing all 248 souls on board. The Pan Am was soon engulfed in flames. The impact tore off the top of the Pan Am 747 fuselage from the tail to the back of the cockpit. The Pan Am with its entire top fuselage having been carried away by the KLM, caught fire killing 326 of the 396 souls on board. No one in the tower saw the accident because of the fog. Other aircraft waiting on the taxiway saw a series of explosions and reported them to the tower. Emergency crews were immediately notified. The dense fog delayed the effort of the emergency crews to find the planes. The firemen didn't realize that there were two aircraft involved until they were at the wreckage of the KLM and the fog cleared a little bit to see the Pan AM on fire further down the runway. The main cause of this accident was that the KLM captain took off without clearance. The captain also failed to heed the towers instruction to â€Å"standby for takeoff. Finally, the captain did not abandon the takeoff when it became apparent that the Pan Am was still on the runway. He was obviously in a hurry due to the fact that he and his crew might run out of flight time. They had been flying for a long time and probably had get-homeitis. KLM 4805 was nearing the takeoff minimums perscribed for KLM because of the thick fog which put more pressure on the Captain to takeoff. He didn't want to have to leave the aircraft over night and wait for a change of crew because that would inconvienience everyone and cost money. It is also interesting to note that a procedure error took place. This experienced captain should know the difference between being given takeoff clearance and being given a route of flight clearance. The fact of the matter is that the captain had been spending most of his time for the past ten years as a training captain at Schiphol Airport. â€Å"This tended to reduce his day to day familiarity with route flying and its procedures†(Job 177). This idea then leads to the probability that there was a miscommunication between the tower and the KLM. The tower controller and the Pan Am transmitted over each other information that would have prevented the accident. The tower said, â€Å"OK†¦ standby for takeoff†¦ I will call you. † The Pan Am said, â€Å"We are still taxiing down the runway! † The KLM only heard the controller say, â€Å"OK. † The first officer on the KLM declined to take their clearance while they were taxiing because they were too busy doing their pre-takeoff checklists. They instead received their clearance as they lined up for takeoff. This led the captain to believe that the airway clearance they were given also counted as their clearance to takeoff. The first officer already told him once that they didn't have their clearance. He wasn't about to do it again out of fear because the first officer felt resignation. He thought that this captain gave him his 747 rating only 95 flight hours ago and he was in no place to second guess him. The crew of the KLM had poor situational awareness because they turned a deaf ear to the conversations between ATC and the Pan Am crew. They never heard the tower tell Pan Am to report when they were clear. This is proven by the emphatic response to the flight engineers query as to whether or not the Pan Am was cleared of the runway. The captain and first officer said, â€Å"Yes, he's cleared! † The Pan Am crew contributed to the accident by missing their assigned taxiway. If they had turned at the assigned taxiway they would have been off the runway in time. There are several contributing factors to the Tenerife disaster that could have been avoided. If any one of these mistakes didn't happen, the accident would have never happened. If the Pan Am crew had better charts and diagrams of the Los Rodeos Airport, they would have never missed their turn off. The Pan Am would have been off the runway in plenty of time. If the KLM crew was not in such a hurry, the captain would not have commenced takeoff roll before distinct clearance to takeoff. If KLM had Cockpit Resource Management training, the first officer would not have felt intimidated by the captain. He would have corrected the captain again for trying to takeoff without adequate clearance. The captain would have been trained to accept the input of his fellow crew members. If the Pan Am first officer and the tower had not stepped on eachother over the radio, the KLM would have heard both warnings that would have prevented the accident.

Saturday, November 9, 2019

migrant workers in UK

IntroductionThere has been a big addition in the figure of migratory workers in the UK in recent old ages ( McKay, Craw & A ; Chopra, 2006 ) . These additions have been spurred on by globalization, the spreads opening in the UK labor market and legislative alterations that provide many and varied methods for coming to the UK. While many migratory workers move into extremely skilled occupations, there are besides a important figure who carry out low-paid, low-skilled occupations in the UK. The wage and conditions in these occupations has become the focal point of much involvement, particularly in the aftermath of the flooring deceases of 23 migratory workers reaping cockles at Morecambe Bay. This essay, hence, critically examines the history of migration and current policies, the ways in which migratory workers have been exploited, wellness and safety hazards they face and legal protections that have been put in topographic point.History of migration and migration policiesThe history of migration into and out of the UK is good established ( Sriskandarajah & A ; Drew, 2006 ) . In the past the consequence of this motion has been that people have by and large left the state: normally heading for Australia, New Zealand Canada. Then, more late, people progressively moved out of the UK to Spain and France. It was n't until the eightiess that the UK became a state which had a net inflow of migrators ( Sriskandarajah, Cooley & A ; Kornblatt, 2007 ) . Net in-migration reached its highpoint in the UK in 2004 at 222,600 ; a twelvemonth subsequently it fell back by around 40,000. There were a figure of histrions that caused this alteration. Dobson et Al. ( 2001 ) explain that one ground for this alteration to net in-migration was that the extremely skilled could command better rewards and obtain an improved life style in the UK. In add-on there was besides a big addition in the figure of refuge applications at this clip ( Home Office 2006 ) . Further, with the add-on of new member provinces to the EU, there was increasing migration with 605,375 people successfully registering to work in the UK from these new member provinces ( Home Office, 2007 ) . Despite the net in-migration to the UK, many do non mean to remain for good. Spencer, Ruhs, Anderson and Rogaly ( 2007 ) found that merely one-fourth of those immigrating from East and Central Europe intended to remain for good. Others once more, can be considered irregular migrators. These are people who have come to the UK without the right authorization. Pinkerton, McLaughlan and Salt ( 2004 ) estimation at that place could hold been every bit many as 430,000 illegal immigrants in the UK in 2001. This figure has been questioned, nevertheless, by Dorling ( 2007 ) who suggests this figure might falsely include US military forces stationed here, and others, thereby unnaturally blow uping the Numberss. Whatever the true degree of migrators in the UK, both legal and illegal, there have been clear alterations in in-migration policies over the last few decennaries. Laws sing migration into the UK have besides changed quickly and a big assortment of different ways of come ining the UK have been developed ( Dench, Hurstfield, Hill & A ; Akroyd, 2006 ) . A recent Home Office study finds that there about 50 different methods for people migrating to the UK for both work and survey ( Home Office, 2005 ) . Five strategies are identified as peculiarly of import by Dench et Al. ( 2006 ) . The first of these is the Seasonal Agricultural Workers Scheme ( SAWS ) . This was introduced to let workers populating outside the European Economic Area ( EEA ) to work in the UK transporting out seasonal work in the agricultural industry. Under this strategy 16,250 people each twelvemonth who are over the age of 18 and in full-time instruction are allowed to come in the UK for a period of six months to tra nsport out chiefly unskilled work. This includes picking and wadding of harvests and the handling of farm animal. The ordinances allow that workers may travel employers in that period to take into history the variableness in the crop. Workers are supposed to be paid the lower limit pay and supply adjustment, for which they are allowed to bear down & amp ; lb ; 27 a hebdomad. A 2nd strategy is the Worker Registration Scheme ( WRS ) which applies to people from the eight Accession States ( those that have merely joined the EU ) . In order to forestall mass in-migration and the immediate claiming of benefits, workers traveling to the UK are required to register, and merely one time they have worked without a interruption for 12 months are they entitled to full benefits and other rights. A 3rd strategy is the Sectors Based Scheme ( SBS ) which is designed to let workers to come in the UK to make a insouciant or short-run occupation. This lone applies to two peculiar sectors: nutrient fabrication and cordial reception although it has since been withdrawn from cordial reception because of maltreatment ( Home Office, 2005 ) . A 3rd strategy is the Highly Skilled Migrant Programme ( HSMP ) which is designed to let extremely skilled workers to come in the UK. The Home Office ( 2005 ) study provinces that many migrators come ining the UK under this strategy are ph ysicians or are working in the country of wellness. A 5th class, and the largest method of entry, is through concern and commercial work licenses. Broadly, this allows companies to enroll from outside the UK if they are unable to make full a place with a UK national, or it allows them to travel persons between states within the same company.Motivations for migrationAt the highest degree of analysis one of the chief grounds for in-migration is globalization. Globalization refers to a figure of forces which includes the increased connexions between cognition Centres, easier entree to communications, easier and cheaper travel and an increased flow of labor ( Somerville, 2007 ) . By and large, so, there is much greater integrating across big economic countries such as Europe. It has been argued that one of the specifying marks of globalization is in-migration ( Castles & A ; Miller, 2003 ) . Somerville ( 2007 ) argues, hence, that one of the major factors at the bosom of globalization a nd so migration is economic sciences. As economic force per unit areas change in the UK, so make the types of occupations for which in-migration occurs. Salt and Millar ( 2006 ) show that in 2005 the industry in which most work licenses were issued was wellness and medical services ( 26.1 % ) . This was followed by computing machine services and direction and concern disposal ( 18.1 % and 11.8 % severally ) . Migrants are, hence, clearly reacting to the peculiar demands that the UK economic system nowadayss to them more readily than those already in the UK. This consequence has been amplified by the fact that the UK has seen a period of uninterrupted growing of the economic system from the mid-1990s until recent old ages. Therefore there are considerable macroeconomic effects impacting the increased degrees of migration into the UK. These types of findings are besides reflected in tantamount microeconomic phenomena. Blauw ( 2002 ) has examined the grounds why employers have a inclination to utilize migratory workers. Blauw ( 2002 ) found that while employers tended to look foremost in the UK labor market, if they could n't make full the places they had available they began their hunt amongst migratory workers. Research carried out in Northern Ireland by Bell, Jarman and Lefebvre ( 2004 ) found that migrators were required in peculiar to make full both skilled and unskilled spreads in the labor market. It has besides been found that migratory workers are frequently seen by employers as being & A ; lsquo ; better workers ‘ . Reed ( 2005 ) , for illustration, investigated migratory workers in the nutrient fabrication industry. It was found that the usage of migratory workers had decreased the sum o f illness leave every bit good as the turnover of employees. Many of these findings were backed up by research into employers of migratory workers by Dench et Al. ( 2006 ) . They besides found that in the agricultural industry domestic workers merely did non use for the occupations that required filling, while in the hotels and providing industry domestic workers were non prepared to work the flexible hours that were required for the occupation. Dench et Al. ( 2006 ) points out that it is natural to presume that possibly employers were non seeking really hard to make full their occupations with domestic workers, given that migratory workers often provide cheaper labor. This thought, though, was strongly denied by employers who claimed that they had made extended attempts to enroll domestic workers, but without success. Some employers in the agricultural sector reported that when they tried to enroll from the Jobcentre, possible employees would come for an interview merely so that they could turn out they had been for an interview, so that coul d claim benefits. Other employers in the same sector explained that domestic workers would frequently discontinue after merely a few yearss ‘ work. On the other manus migratory workers frequently worked difficult and stayed in the occupation. Some similar consequences were seen in the hotels and providing sector. The attack to their work that domestic workers showed was really low compared to the dedication that migratory workers displayed. The sum of accomplishment required for the occupation was besides an of import factor for employers ( Dench et al. , 2006 ) . A good illustration was in the building industry where employers particularly valued Polish workers who were extremely motivated and could make full the spread in accomplishments that were seen in the industry. A similar image in relation to accomplishments was besides seen in other industries. In the Finance and Accountancy sector employers complained that they could n't acquire workers with the right makings. As a consequence they had bureaus who would seek globally for the right campaigners. Overall, though, employers understood that the ground that they recruited migrators was that the same sum of money meant more to them than it did to domestic workers. Of class non all employers accepted migratory labor, some said they were diffident precisely what criterions foreign workers were trained up to, and others thought that their deficiency of eloquence in English was a job ( Dench et al. , 2006 ) . Despite this, many employers saw considerable advantages in using migratory workers. Migrant workers were much more dependable and likely to demo up for work than domestic workers – some employers even had to remind workers to take their one-year vacation. Employers besides saw much lower degrees of turnover with migratory workers. This was likely influenced by the fact that those registered on the WRS have to reregister if they move their employer. Further, employers reported that migratory workers were much more hard-working than domestic workers. This meant they were frequently prepared to work longer hours and were enthusiastic about making overtime. Although non mentioned by many employers it was besides clearly a factor that migr atory workers were more likely to be satisfied working for the lower limit pay than domestic workers. Similar findings for why migratory workers are employed are besides revealed by McKay et Al. ( 2006 ) . There are besides considerable inducements from the migratory workers ‘ positions to come to the UK for work. Unsurprisingly one of the chief motives is the handiness of work and the deficiency of work in their state of beginning. Research conducted by Norfolk County Council and YMCA Norfolk ( 2005 ) found migratory workers were chiefly motivated by the comparatively high rates of wage in the UK compared to their state of beginning. Many were peculiarly interested in larning English, particularly those who were from states that had late joined the EU.Exploitation of migratory workersThe motivations for migration in footings of globalization and its specific effects on the labor market clearly set up a state of affairs in which development is a possibility. A recent Trades Union Congress ( 2007a ) study looked at whether migration hurts migrators. They conclude that despite the advantages for employers and the immediate advantages perceived by some migratory workers, there are b esides important jobs faced both at the macro- and microlevels. The World Bank ( 2005 ) , for illustration, has examined the effects on world-wide economic sciences of the international flow of labor. This finds that migratory workers themselves are surely better off working outside their ain state, nevertheless, migrators who stay in the same state really do worse over the long-run. Looking more specifically at the state of affairs in the UK, though, reveals a much more assorted image about the inquiry of migratory workers. A assortment of surveies have attempted to look at the existent on the job conditions of migratory workers. A study from the Health and Safety Executive has looked closely at the types of hazards to which migratory workers are exposed in the workplace ( McKay et al. , 2006 ) . These writers point out that some old grounds suggests that migratory workers face important degrees of development in the workplace. Lawrence ( 2004 ) , for illustration, has pointed to how the nutrient industry has used migratory workers in order to drive down costs and increase productiveness. There have besides been a series of high profile instances in which migratory workers have been injured at work. In the worst of these at Morecambe Bay in 2004, 23 Chinese workers lost their lives while picking cockles when they were caught in lifting tides. Evidence from the Citizens Advice Bureau ( 2004 ) , though, suggests the maltreatments of migratory workers are more systematic. They provide grounds from a figure of different sectors about the conditions under which migratory workers are employed. In the attention place sector it has been found that many well-qualified workers from other states, such as nurses, have been promised work of a similar degree in the UK but end up in places that are significantly below their degree, such as transporting out cleansing or other humble undertakings. Employers will besides often keep onto the migratory worker ‘s passport so as to be able to intimidate them. As a consequence of this kind of bullying, many migratory workers report happening it hard to do any sort of ailment against their employer as they are reliant on the money earned to direct back place to their households. Consequently there is improbable to be any alteration in the migratory workers ‘ place. Within the cleansing sector, the Citizens Advice Bureau ( 2004 ) study that there are a figure of ways that migrant workers have been exploited. They report on migratory workers who have been recruited to clean motorway service Stationss for & A ; lb ; 600 a month, of which & A ; lb ; 200 is deducted for life costs of a shared room in a house. These workers did non have a contract of employment, a National Insurance figure or a payslip. The Citizens Advice Bureau ( 2004 ) besides study on the enlisting of foreign subjects at universities in the UK who are given cleaning occupations after being told they will be paid in arrears – so they are merely non paid at all. Within the cordial reception sector more maltreatments have been seen. Again, the Citizens Advice Bureau ( 2004 ) study that workers are hired for cleansing or working in eating houses but are non given National Insurance Numberss, or contracts, and are paid below the National Minimum Wage. In the agricultural industry, the Citizens Advice Bureau ( 2004 ) study that migratory workers negotiate with & A ; lsquo ; gangmasters ‘ who present themselves as employment bureaus. Workers often face really hapless adjustment as portion of the understanding for which they pay comparatively high rates from their rewards sing the adjustment provided. The Citizens Advice Bureau ( 2004 ) have received ailments on a figure of common subjects. These include really low rates of wage, no proviso of payslips, non-payment of National Insurance parts, really hapless adjustment that is frequently overcrowded and the hazard of dismissal from the occupation without traveling through the proper processs . The findings of the Citizens Advice Bureau ( 2004 ) were besides echoed by Dench et al. , ( 2006 ) . These writers found studies of many of the same jobs, every bit good as narratives that some gangmasters in East Anglia were merely paying migratory workers & A ; lb ; 1 per hr. This was done lawfully be paying the minimal pay but so claiming back a immense proportion for adjustment. Migrant workers are non merely taken advantage of by employers. There are studies of some people bear downing migrators for the privilege of happening them adjustment and work. Sing the studies from the Citizens Advice Bureau ( 2004 ) and other anecdotal grounds, it seems likely that migratory workers ‘ wellbeing would be significantly affected by their on the job conditions. Shields and Price ( 2003 ) examined the psychosocial wellbeing of migratory workers in the UK in relation to different labour market results. They found, possibly unsurprisingly given the grounds reviewed so far, that the welln ess of the severely treated migratory workers is peculiarly hapless. In add-on they have significantly lower degrees of psychological wellbeing.Health and safety hazards of migratorsSing the many reported disadvantages which migrant workers face in the workplace, it is utile to analyze the hazards to which they are exposed. McKay et Al. ( 2006 ) carried out a survey of 200 migratory workers who were interviewed across five different countries in both England and Wales. One of the purposes of the survey was to measure whether migratory workers were placed at any greater hazard than other workers who were of domestic beginning. McKay et Al. ( 2006 ) point out that one of the cardinal issues in wellness and safety is the proviso of preparation. One-third of those who were interviewed in this survey indicated that they had non received any preparation. There was, nevertheless, a considerable difference depending on the sector in which people worked. Those who worked in the populace sect or were significantly more likely to have preparation than those who worked elsewhere. It was thought that private sector employers ‘ attitudes were that one time migratory workers had obtained enfranchisement they would go forth for better occupations. Clearly one of the jobs in preparation is linguistic communication. Shellekens and Smith ( 2004 ) found that communicating was made peculiarly hard through the usage of slang and proficient footings. Some employers did supply instructions in different linguistic communications but these interlingual renditions were non ever dependable, or were faithfully read by migratory workers. Training was besides limited in the sense that while there was sometimes induction preparation, there was improbable to be any on-going preparation. There was besides considerable confusion about who was responsible for supplying the wellness and safety preparation in the first topographic point. For illustration in instances where migratory workers were employed by an bureau, respondents to the research were ill-defined whose duty the preparation was. Overall McKay et Al. ( 2006 ) argue that migratory workers are likely to be at a disadvantage in footings of equal preparation in their occupations compared to other workers. Consequently it is apprehensible that around half of the migratory workers McKay et Al. ( 2006 ) interviewed had no cognition of wellness and safety processs in their workplace. In footings of equipment there was some confusion uncovered in the survey about whether equal protection was provided – migratory workers frequently claimed they were n't given full equipment while employers claimed they did supply it. A similar degree of contradictory messages was received when migratory workers and employers were asked about the figure of accidents that occurred in the workplace. A one-fourth of migratory worker respondents indicated that they had suffered or witnessed an accident – a comparatively high proportion ( McKay et al. , 2006 ) . Many besides said that accident were non reported for fright of jeopardizing their occupations. On the other manus, employers stated that accidents were rare and that all accidents, even the most minor, were reported and recorded. Employers did state, though, that they knew migratory workers were brought up in a civilization of incrimination and so would be improbable to describe accidents. Despite the confusing image, McKay et Al. ( 2006 ) conclude that degrees of accidents are likely higher amongst migratory workers. This is partially due to the fact that employers who agreed to be interviewed were likely more likely to hold good processs in topographi c point along with the fact that migratory workers who have experienced jobs are besides more likely to come frontward for the interviews. This might partially explicate the spread in coverage. The general public assistance of workers was besides examined by McKay et Al. ( 2006 ) who looked at the temperature of working conditions, the interruptions, noise and chemicals. They found, once more, that there was confusion over interruptions with employers by and large stating that interruptions were allowed, while migratory workers stating that they frequently were n't – or at least that their wage was docked if they did take a interruption. Similar differences were seen on the inquiry of temperature – many migratory workers worked in the extremes of temperature. For noise and chemicals there were few differences seen between migrator and other workers. Other types of ailments about working confirmed the findings of the Citizens Advice Bureau ( 2004 ) study: that migrant workers work long hours and frequently did non hold written footings of employment. As a consequence of these findings the Trades Union Congress ( 2007b ) have made a figure of recommendations to better the on the job conditions of migratory workers. They argue that all accidents should be reported, that there should be sufficient proviso of first assistance and public assistance, that the right protective equipment should be provided along with equal preparation and information. This preparation and information should be accessible and hence translated into the relevant linguistic communication should this be required. Finally the TUC recommends that migratory workers should fall in a trade brotherhood so as proper support and administration can be provided.Legal protection for migratory workersSince migratory workers are so susceptible to exploitation it is natural to inquire what legal protection is in topographic point to better their on the job conditions. Since, as McKay et Al. ( 2006 ) point out, migratory workers are amongst the most vulnerable, they surely require excess protection. One peculiar job identified by McKay et Al. ( 2006 ) is the behavior of some & A ; lsquo ; gangmasters ‘ and how it has been addressed by excess legal protection. A gangmaster is person who is responsible for the payment and supervising of a whole group of workers. While some gangmasters behave decently, others have been identified as the cause of serious jobs. Anderson and Rogaly ( 2005 ) have found that the employment relationship can be earnestly confused in the instance where migrators are employed through gangmasters. Surveies of gangmasters have found that merely 10 % of them follow the jurisprudence on employment and 40 % were interrupting the jurisprudence in at least six different ways ( Lawrence, 2004 ) . To try to battle some of these jobs the Gangmasters ( Licensing ) Act 2004 introduced excess protection for those working in the piscaries and agricultural sectors. This purported to present the condemnable offense of undertaking with gangmasters who had non followed the proper licensing processs. These licensing processs are an effort to look into bureaus and gangmasters follow the proper employment processs such as making the relevant wellness and safety criterions. The Act has been badly criticised, nevertheless, as since it came into force the Department for Environment Food and Rural Affairs ( DEFRA ) has been really slow to pull up the ordinances. Besides, since the ordinances have been drawn up it has become clear that the original powers of the Act have been significantly reduced ( Davies & A ; Freedland, 2007 ) . One of the clearest ways in which this legal protection is limited is that it merely doesn't cover the huge bulk of migratory workers, who work in industries other than agribusiness or piscaries. But even in the industries that it does cover, there is a degree of agnosticism about whether it will do a immense impact ( McKay et al. , 2006 ) . Employers pointed out that the existent criterions required in the licensing were comparatively low and that much more rigorous steps need to be put in topographic point. The coverage of the system across the state besides appears to be patchy. There was grounds that gangmasters had moved from one portion of the state to another in order to avoid ordinance. In add-on, many felt that the audit itself did n't look excessively closely into the existent yesteryear working patterns of the gangmasters and bureaus themselves. Finally, there were besides inquiries about how good these new Torahs would be enforced.DecisionThe motivations for migration app ear to be strong in the current labor market state of affairs: globalization, accomplishment deficits and the sheer handiness of certain occupations in the UK mean that migratory workers are in demand. Changes to in-migration policies have meant that there are now a assortment of strategies available for migratory workers to come to the UK. Overall the point should be made that the consequence of migration on both the host and place states is likely positive. Unfortunately it has become clear, due to recent surveies, that a important proportion of migratory workers, peculiarly those working in low-paid, low-skilled businesss, are being exploited. This development appears to run right from the simple bending of regulations to the complete flouting of standard UK employment patterns. Both Health and Safety and TUC probes have uncovered serious defects in the intervention of migratory workers. New regulations have been introduced by Gangmasters ( Licensing ) Act 2004 to seek and contro l the illegal patterns of gangmasters and bureaus. Despite this, and despite the immature age of the statute law, these regulations have been roundly criticised for neglecting to supply equal protection for migratory workers. Not least of these unfavorable judgment is that the statute law does n't cover the bulk of migratory workers. Clearly much greater degrees of ordinance are required to protect those migratory workers who are at the highest hazard of being exploited in the UK labor market.

Thursday, November 7, 2019

Cules son las consecuencias de un I-275 en la visa

Cules son las consecuencias de un I-275 en la visa Si un oficial de Inmigracià ³n de la CBP (Policà ­a de Fronteras y Aduanas) escribe sobre una visa I-275 e impide el ingreso a Estados Unidos esto es lo que ha tenido lugar: Se permite una retirada de la peticià ³n de ingreso y se produce el regreso inmediato al lugar de origen.La visa queda cancelada formalmente. Cunto sucede esta situacià ³n Puede suceder en casos muy distintos, como por ejemplo: La visa ya est cancelada, pero no formalmente y su titular no lo sabe y por eso vuelve a viajar a Estados Unidos. Por ejemplo, cuando un extranjero se queda ms tiempo que el permitido la visa queda sin valor automticamente pero no se notifica. En estos casos puede que por ignorancia el titular piense que todavà ­a cuenta con un visado vlido. El oficial de inmigracià ³n en un puerto de entrada (aeropuerto, puerto o frontera terrestre) considera que la persona con la visa es inadmisible, viaja con una visa que no es la adecuada para la finalidad de su viaje o cree que la persona tiene intencià ³n de violar las condiciones de la visa. Por ejemplo, trabajar en Estados Unidos cuando no est autorizado (pero pueden ser razones muy variadas, como quedarse a vivir, casarse con una visa de turista para permanecer en el paà ­s, etc). Cun mala es la situacià ³n en los casos de I-275 (retirada de la peticià ³n de ingreso) El viaje no puede continuar, ya que no se puede ingresar a los Estados Unidos y hay que regresar al paà ­s de origen. Adems la visa queda cancelada. Sin embargo, esta es una buena opcià ³n si se compara con lo otro que puede pasar: expulsià ³n inmediata, que lleva necesariamente un castigo de cinco aà ±os de espera antes de poder volver a aplicar por una visa. Retirada de peticià ³n de ingreso o expulsià ³n automtica: circunstancias que considera el oficial de Inmigracià ³n de la CBP Permitir que un extranjero realice una retirada de la peticià ³n de ingreso es un poder de decisià ³n que corresponde exclusivamente al oficial de inmigracià ³n. En otras palabras, el extranjero no puede pedirla. A la hora de determinar si brinda a un extranjero la posibilidad de permitirle que retire su peticià ³n de ingreso tiene en consideracià ³n, entre otros, los siguientes factores: Si no se le permite ingresar debido a que es inadmisible, si es posible que esa causa se arregle fcilmente (por ejemplo, en los casos en los que el problema es que falta algà ºn documento).Si previamente se ha cometido una violacià ³n migratoria, se tiene en cuenta la gravedad de la misma. No se considera igual de grave permanecer en Estados Unidos ilegalmente por mucho tiempo que haberse quedado muy poco y por circunstancias excepcionales. En este à ºltimo caso el oficial de Inmigracià ³n podrà ­a considerar que la respuesta adecuada es permitir una retirada de la peticià ³n de ingreso.  La intencià ³n del extranjero de violar las leyes migratorias y las condiciones de la visa. Por ejemplo, si se tiene intencià ³n de casarse con un ciudadano y permanecer en EEUU cuando se llega a la frontera con una visa de turista se tendr en consideracià ³n si el error es de buena fe y producto de la ignorancia o si hay intencià ³n de violar la ley y cometer un fraude migratorio.Otro c aso es si el oficial de Inmigracià ³n considera que hay intencià ³n de trabajar con una visa que no lo permite, etc. La edad y la salud del extranjero y otras consideraciones humanitarias. Casos en los que el oficial de Inmigracià ³n decidir siempre expulsià ³n automtica Cuando se presentan documentos fraudulentos, falsos o de otra persona. Cuando se miente durante la inspeccià ³n migratoria con el fin de ocultar informacià ³n y asà ­ ingresar al paà ­s.Cuando se ha estado previamente en Estados Unidos y se ha cometido una violacià ³n migratoria grave, como por ejemplo, trabajar ilegalmente o estancias ilegales. Adems, si fueron  por un periodo grande de tiempo podrà ­a aplicar el castigo de los tres o de los diez aà ±os. Quà © hacer despuà ©s de un I-275 No se permite ingresar a Estados Unidos y habr que regresarse inmediatamente al paà ­s de origen.En ese momento la visa est cancelada Se puede solicitar a la Embajada o Consulado una nueva visa inmediatamente. En este caso llevar toda la documentacià ³n disponible, incluido el formulario I-275, donde se establece cul fue la causa por la que no se permitià ³ el ingreso. Tambià ©n llevar la declaracià ³n jurada que se firmà ³ cuando se acordà ³ retirar la peticià ³n de ingreso. Aunque no es necesario es altamente recomendable consultar con un abogado de inmigracià ³n antes de solicitar una nueva visa para asegurarse de que se sabe con exactitud la causa del problema y se resuelve. Por à ºltimo, tener en consideracià ³n que el oficial consular tiene la à ºltima palabra para decidir si aprueba la visa. Se puede solicitar, pero esto no quiere decir que la vayan a aprobar. Esto lo hay que tener en cuenta porque la cuota por la aplicacià ³n no se regresa jams, incluidos los casos en los que la visa no es aprobada. A tener en cuenta Una situacià ³n en la que I-275 acabe escrito sobre una visa puede suceder con cualquier clase de visado no inmigrante, no sà ³lo con las de turista, conocidas en algunos paà ­ses como de paseo o placer. Asimismo, puede pasar con una tarjeta de cruce (visa lser). Toma este test de respuestas mà ºltiples sobre la visa de turista para saber lo fundamental de cà ³mo solicitarla y cà ³mo conservarla. Este es un artà ­culo informativo. No es asesorà ­a legal.

Tuesday, November 5, 2019

Biography of Eva Perón, First Lady of Argentina

Biography of Eva Perà ³n, First Lady of Argentina Eva Perà ³n (May 7, 1919–July 26, 1952) was the wife of Argentine President Juan Perà ³n and the First Lady of Argentina. Fondly known as Evita, she played a major role in her husbands administration. She is widely remembered for her efforts to help the poor and for her role in helping women win the right to vote. Fast Facts: Eva Perà ³n Known For: As the First Lady of Argentina, Eva became a hero of women and the working class.Also Known As: Marà ­a Eva Duarte, EvitaBorn: May 7, 1919 in Los Toldos, ArgentinaParents: Juan Duarte and Juana IbargurenDied: July 26, 1952 in Buenos Aires, ArgentinaSpouse: Juan Perà ³n (m. 1945-1952) Early Life Maria Eva Duarte was born in Los Toldos, Argentina, on May 7, 1919, to Juan Duarte and Juana Ibarguren, an unmarried couple. The youngest of five children, Eva (as she came to be known) had three older sisters and one older brother. Juan Duarte worked as the estate manager of a large, successful farm, and the family lived in a house on the main street of their small town. However, Juana and the children shared Juan Duartes income with his first family, a wife and three daughters who lived in the nearby town of Chivilcoy. Not long after Evas birth, the central government, which had previously been run by wealthy and corrupt landowners, came under the control of the Radical Party, made up of middle-class citizens who favored reform. Juan Duarte, who had benefited greatly from his friendships with those landowners, soon found himself without a job. He returned to his hometown of Chivilcoy to join his other family. When he left, Juan turned his back on Juana and their five children. Eva was not yet a year old. Juana and her children were forced to leave their home and move into a tiny house near the railroad tracks, where Juana made a meager living from sewing clothes for the townspeople. Eva and her siblings had few friends; they were ostracized because their illegitimacy was considered scandalous. In 1926, when Eva was 6 years old, her father was killed in a car accident. Juana and the children traveled to Chivilcoy for his funeral and were treated as outcasts by Juans first family. Dreams of Being a Star Juana moved her family to a larger town, Junin, in 1930, to seek more opportunities for her children. The older siblings found jobs and Eva and her sister enrolled in school. As a teenager, young Eva became fascinated with the world of movies; in particular, she loved American movie stars. Eva made it her mission to one day leave her small town and life of poverty and move to Buenos Aires, the capital of Argentina, to become a famous actress. Against her mothers wishes, Eva made the move to Buenos Aires in 1935 when she was only 15 years old. The actual details of her departure remain cloaked in mystery. In one version of the story, Eva traveled to the capital on a train with her mother, ostensibly to audition for a radio station. When Eva succeeded in finding a job in radio, her angry mother then returned to Junin without her. In the other version, Eva met a popular male singer in Junin and convinced him to take her with him to Buenos Aires. In either case, Evas move to Buenos Aires was permanent. She only returned to Junin for short visits to her family. Older brother Juan, who had already moved to the capital city, was charged with keeping an eye on his sister. Life in Buenos Aires Eva arrived in Buenos Aires at a time of great political change. The Radical Party had fallen out of power by 1935, replaced by a coalition of conservatives and wealthy landowners known as the Concordancia. This group removed reformists from government positions and gave jobs to their own friends and followers. Those who resisted or complained were often sent to prison. Poor people and the working class felt powerless against the wealthy minority. With few material possessions and little money, Eva found herself among the poor, but she never lost her determination to succeed. After her job at the radio station ended, she found work as an actress in a troupe that traveled to small towns throughout Argentina. Although she earned little, Eva made certain that she sent money to her mother and siblings. After gaining some acting experience on the road, Eva worked as a radio soap opera actress and even secured a few small film roles. In 1939, she and a business partner started their own business, the Company of the Theater of the Air, which produced radio soap operas and a series of biographies about famous women. By 1943, although she could not claim movie star status, 24-year-old Eva had become successful and fairly well-off. She lived in an apartment in an upscale neighborhood, having escaped the shame of her impoverished childhood. By sheer will and determination, Eva had made her adolescent dream something of a reality. Meeting Juan Perà ³n On January 15, 1944, a massive earthquake struck western Argentina, killing 6,000 people. Argentines across the country wanted to help their fellow countrymen. In Buenos Aires, the effort was led by 48-year-old Army Colonel Juan Domingo Perà ³n, the head of the nations labor department. Perà ³n asked Argentinas performers to use their fame to promote his cause. Actors, singers, and others (including Eva Duarte) walked the streets of Buenos Aires to collect money for earthquake victims. The fundraising effort culminated in a benefit held at a local stadium. There, on January 22, 1944, Eva met Colonel Juan Perà ³n. Perà ³n, a widower whose wife had died of cancer in 1938, was immediately drawn to her. The two became inseparable and very soon Eva proved herself Perà ³ns most ardent supporter. She used her position at the radio station to feature broadcasts that praised Perà ³n as a benevolent government figure. The Arrest of Juan Perà ³n Perà ³n enjoyed the support of many of the poor and those living in rural areas. Wealthy landowners, however, did not trust him and feared he wielded too much power. By 1945, Perà ³n had achieved the lofty positions of minister of war and vice president and was, in fact, more powerful than President Edelmiro Farrell. Several groups- including the Radical Party, the Communist Party, and conservative factions- opposed Perà ³n. They accused him of dictatorial behaviors, such as censorship of the media and brutality against university students during a peaceful demonstration. The final straw came when Perà ³n appointed a friend of Evas as secretary of communications, enraging those in government who believed Eva had become too involved in affairs of state. Perà ³n was forced by a group of army officers to resign on October 8, 1945, and taken into custody. President Farrell- under pressure from the military- ordered that Perà ³n be held on an island off the coast of Buenos Aires. Eva unsuccessfully appealed to a judge to have Perà ³n released. Perà ³n himself wrote a letter to the president demanding his release and the letter was leaked to newspapers. Members of the working class, Perà ³ns staunchest supporters, came together to protest Perà ³ns incarceration. On the morning of October 17, workers all over Buenos Aires refused to go to work. Shops, factories, and restaurants stayed closed, as employees took to the streets chanting Perà ³n! The protestors brought business to a grinding halt, forcing the government to release Perà ³n. Four days later, on October 21, 1945, 50-year-old Juan Perà ³n married 26-year-old Eva Duarte in a simple civil ceremony. President and First Lady Encouraged by the strong show of support, Perà ³n announced that he would run for president in the 1946 election. As the wife of a presidential candidate, Eva came under close scrutiny. Ashamed of her illegitimacy and childhood poverty, Eva was not always forthcoming with her answers when questioned by the press. Her secrecy contributed to her legacy: the white myth and the black myth of Eva Perà ³n. In the white myth, Eva was a saint-like, compassionate woman who helped the poor and disadvantaged. In the black myth, she was depicted as ruthless and ambitious, willing to do anything to advance her husbands career. Eva quit her radio job and joined her husband on the campaign trail. Perà ³n did not affiliate himself with a particular political party; instead, he formed a coalition of supporters from different parties, made up primarily of workers and union leaders. Perà ³n won the election and was sworn in on June 5, 1946. Evita Perà ³n inherited a country with a strong economy. Following World War II, many European nations, in dire financial circumstances, borrowed money from Argentina and some were forced to import wheat and beef from Argentina as well. Perà ³ns government profited from the arrangement, charging interest on the loans and fees on the exports from ranchers and farmers. Eva, who preferred to be called Evita (Little Eva) by the working class, embraced her role as the first lady. She installed members of her family in high government positions in areas such as the postal service, education, and customs. Eva visited workers and union leaders at factories, questioning them about their needs and inviting their suggestions. She also used these visits to give speeches in support of her husband. Eva Perà ³n saw herself as a dual persona; as Eva, she performed her ceremonial duties in the role of the first lady; as Evita, champion of the working class, she served her people face-to-face, working to fill their needs. She opened offices in the Ministry of Labor and sat at a desk, greeting working-class people in need of help. She used her position to get help for those who came in with urgent requests. If a mother could not find adequate medical care for her child, Eva saw to it that the child was taken care of. If a family lived in squalor, she arranged for better living quarters. European Tour Despite her good deeds, Eva Perà ³n had many critics. They accused her of overstepping boundaries and interfering in government affairs. This skepticism toward the first lady was reflected in negative reports about her in the press. In an effort to better control her image, Eva purchased her own newspaper, the Democracia. The newspaper gave heavy coverage to Eva, publishing favorable stories about her and printing glamorous photos of her attending galas. Newspaper sales soared. In June 1947, Eva traveled to Spain at the invitation of fascist dictator Francisco Franco. Argentina was the only nation that maintained a diplomatic relationship with Spain following World War II and had given financial aid to the struggling country. But Perà ³n would not consider making the trip, lest he be perceived as fascist; he did, however, allow his wife to go. It was Evas first trip on an airplane. Upon her arrival in Madrid, Eva was welcomed by more than three million people. After 15 days in Spain, Eva went on to tour Italy, Portugal, France, and Switzerland. After becoming well-known in Europe, Eva was also featured on the cover of Time magazine in July 1947. Perà ³n Is Reelected Perà ³ns policies became known as Perà ³nism, a system that promoted social justice and patriotism. The government took control of many businesses and industries, ostensibly to improve their production. Eva played a major role in helping to keep her husband in power. She spoke at large gatherings and on the radio, singing the praises of President Perà ³n and citing all of the things he had done to help the working class. Eva also rallied working women of Argentina after the Argentine Congress gave women the right to vote in 1947. She created the Perà ³nist Womens Party in 1949. The efforts of the newly formed party paid off for Perà ³n during the 1951 election. Nearly four million women voted for the first time, many for Perà ³n. But much had changed since Perà ³ns first election five years earlier. Perà ³n had become increasingly authoritarian, placing restrictions upon what the press could print, and firing- even imprisoning- those who opposed his policies. Foundation By early 1948, Eva was receiving thousands of letters a day from needy people requesting food, clothing, and other necessities. In order to manage so many requests, Eva knew she needed a more formalized organization. She created the Eva Perà ³n Foundation in July 1948 and acted as its sole leader and decision-maker. The foundation received donations from businesses, unions, and workers, but these donations were often coerced. People and organizations faced fines and even jail time if they did not contribute. Eva kept no written record of her expenditures, claiming that she was too busy giving the money away to the poor to stop and count it. Many people, having seen newspaper photos of Eva dressed in expensive dresses and jewels, suspected her of keeping some of the money for herself, but these charges could not be proven. Despite suspicions about Eva, the foundation did accomplish many important goals, awarding scholarships and building houses, schools, and hospitals. Death Eva worked tirelessly for her foundation and therefore was not surprised that she was feeling exhausted in early 1951. She also had aspirations to run for vice president alongside her husband in the upcoming November election. Eva attended a rally supporting her candidacy on August 22, 1951. The following day, she collapsed. For weeks thereafter, Eva suffered abdominal pain. She eventually agreed to exploratory surgery and was diagnosed with inoperable uterine cancer. Eva was forced to withdraw from the election. On election day in November, a ballot was brought to her hospital bed and Eva voted for the first time. Perà ³n won the election. Eva appeared only once more in public, very thin and obviously ill, at her husbands inaugural parade. Eva Perà ³n died on July 26, 1952, at the age of 33. Following the funeral, Juan Perà ³n had Evas body preserved and was planning to put it on display. However, Perà ³n was forced into exile when the army staged a coup in 1955. Amidst the chaos, Evas body disappeared. Not until 1970 was it learned that soldiers in the new government, fearing that Eva could remain a symbolic figure for the poor- even in death- had removed her body and buried her in Italy. Evas body was eventually returned and re-buried in her family’s crypt in Buenos Aires in 1976. Legacy Eva remains an enduring cultural icon in Argentina and Latin America, and in many places people still honor the anniversary of her death. Among some groups, she has attained an almost saint-like status. In 2012, her image was printed on 20 million Argentine 100-peso notes. Sources Barnes, John.  Evita First Lady: a Biography of Eva Perà ³n. Grove/Atlantic, 1996.Taylor, Julie. Eva Perà ³n: The Myths of a Woman. University of Chicago Press, 1996.

Sunday, November 3, 2019

Health Care Planning and Evaluation Research Paper

Health Care Planning and Evaluation - Research Paper Example cts and supports medical study to comprehend how a person’s body functions and achieve insights into numerous disorders and diseases, from uncommon to more recognizable ones such as the common cold. The NIH is mandated to conduct scientific research in search of basic knowledge on the behavior and nature of living styles and the utilization of that understanding to expand healthy life and decrease the burdens of disability and illness. NIH conducts high-quality, goal-oriented study and policy assessment of the organization, funding and health care delivery in America. The NIH operates to recognize major health care policy concerns, discover policy alternatives, and analyze benefits, and drawbacks of policy alternatives to assist advice policy formulators and various key decision-makes on how the increase in access to affordable, high-quality health care to the entire American population. Advance health care planning does not merely entail old age; at whatever age, a medical emergency could many people seriously ill to make their individual health care decisions. Thus, making future health care planning is an essential step toward improving the general health of people. Advanced healthcare planning entails learning about the forms of choices that may be made, regarding those choices in advance, and putting them in an advance directive. Medical research provides a vital function in the health status of all Americans. Because of the developments in medication and public health, the U.S. populations are living and staying healthier. The NIH promotes a lot of the research study countrywide that evaluates how individuals age and the means to advance their health during their later ages. The National Institute on Aging (NIA) is a branch of NIH; where various NIA-promoted studies centers on advance healthcare planning, involving assessing why individuals might accomplish ad vance directions and the impact of these directions on end-of-life health care. The 27